BANGABANDHU SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN The life of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the saga of a great leader turning peoplepower into an armed struggle that liberated a nation and created the world’s ninth most populous state. The birth of the sovereign state of Bangladesh in December 1971, after a heroic war of nine months against the Pakistani colonial rule, was the triumph of his faith in the destiny of his people. Sheikh Mujib, endearingly called Bangabandhu or friend of Bangladesh, rose from the people, molded their hopes and aspirations into a dream and staked his life in the long battle for making it real. He was a true democrat, and he employed in his struggle for securing justice and fairplay for the Bengalees only democratic and constitutional weapons until the last moment. It is no accident of history that in an age of military coup d’etat and ‘strong men’, Sheikh Mujib attained power through elections and mass movement and that in an age of decline of democracy he firmly established democracy in one of the least developed countries of Asia. Sheikh Mujib was born on 17 March 1920 in a middle class family at Tungipara in Gopalganj district. Standing 5 feet 11 inches, he was taller than the average Bengalee. Nothing pleased him more than being close to the masses, knowing their joys and sorrows and being part of their travails and triumphs. He spoke their soft language but in articulating their sentiments his voice was powerful and resonant. He had not been educated abroad, nor did he learn the art of hiding feelings behind sophistry; yet he was loved as much by the urban educated as the common masses of the villages. He inspired the intelligentsia and the working class alike. He did not, however, climb to leadership overnight. Early Political Life: His political life began as an humble worker while he was still a student. He was fortunate to come in early contact with such towering personalities as Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy and A K Fazlul Huq, both charismatic Chief Ministers of undivided Bengal. Adolescent Mujib grew up under the gathering gloom of stormy politics as the aging British raj in India was falling apart and the Second World War was violently rocking the continents. He witnessed the ravages of the war and the stark realities of the great famine of 1943 in which about five million people lost their lives. The tragic plight of the people under colonial rule turned young Mujib into a rebel. This was also the time when he saw the legendary revolutionary Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose challenging the British raj. Also about this time he came to know the works of Bernard Shaw, Karl Marx, Rabindranath Tagore and rebel poet Kazi Nazrul Islam. Soon after the partition of India in 1947 it was felt that the creation of Pakistan with its two wings separated by a physical distance of about 1,200 miles was a geographical monstrosity. The economic, political, cultural and linguistic characters of the two wings were also different. Keeping the two wings together under the forced bonds of a single state structure in the name of religious nationalism would merely result in a rigid political control and economic exploitation of the eastern wing by the all-powerful western wing which controlled the country’s capital and its economic and military might. Early Movement: In 1948 a movement was initiated to make Bengali one of the state languages of Pakistan. This can be termed the first stirrings of the movement for an independent Bangladesh. The demand for cultural freedom gradually led to the demand for national independence. During that language movement Sheikh Mujib was arrested and sent to jail. During the blood-drenched language movement in 1952 he was again arrested and this time he provided inspiring leadership of the movement from inside the jail. In 1954 Sheikh Mujib was elected a member of the then East Pakistan Assembly. He joined A K Fazlul Huq’s United Front government as the youngest minister. The ruling clique of Pakistan soon dissolved this government and Shiekh Mujib was once again thrown into prison. In 1955 he was elected a member of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly and was again made a minister when the Awami League formed the provincial government in 1956. Soon after General Ayub Khan staged a military coup in Pakistan in 1958, Sheikh Mujib was arrested once again and a number of cases were instituted against him. He was released after 14 months in prison but was re-arrested in February 1962. In fact, he spent the best part of his youth behind the prison bars. Supreme Test: March 7, 1971 was a day of supreme test in his life. Nearly two million freedom loving people assembled at the Ramna Race Course Maidan, later renamed Suhrawardy Uddyan, on that day to hear their leader’s command for the battle for liberation. The Pakistani military junta was also waiting to trap him and to shoot down the people on the plea of suppressing a revolt against the state. Sheikh Mujib spoke in a thundering voice but in a masterly well-calculated restrained language. His historic declaration in the meeting was: "Our struggle this time is for freedom. Our struggle this time is for independence." To deny the Pakistani military an excuse for a crackdown, he took care to put forward proposals for a solution of the crisis in a constitutional way and kept the door open for negotiations. The crackdown, however, did come on March 25 when the junta arrested Sheikh Mujib for the last time and whisked him away to West Pakistan for confinement for the entire duration of the liberation war. In the name of suppressing a rebellion the Pakistani military let loose hell on the unarmed civilians throughout Bangladesh and perpetrated a genocide killing no less than three million men, women and children, raping women in hundreds of thousands and destroying property worth billions of taka. Before their ignominious defeat and surrender they, with the help of their local collaborators, killed a large number of intellectuals, university professors, writers, doctors, journalists, engineers and eminent persons of other professions. In pursuing a scorch-earth policy they virtually destroyed the whole of the country’s infrastructure. But they could not destroy the indomitable spirit of the freedom fighters nor could they silence the thundering voice of the leader. Tape recordings of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib’s 7th March speech kept on inspiring his followers throughout the war. Return and Reconstruction: Forced by international pressure and the imperatives of its own domestic predicament, Pakistan was obliged to release Sheikh Mujib from its jail soon after the liberation of Bangladesh and on 10 January 1972 the great leader returned to his beloved land and his admiring nation. But as he saw the plight of the country his heart bled and he knew that there would be no moment of rest for him. Almost the entire nation including about ten million people returning from their refuge in India had to be rehabilitated, the shattered economy needed to be put back on the rail, the infrastructure had to be rebuilt, millions had to be saved from starvation and law and order had to be restored. Simultaneously, a new constitution had to be framed, a new parliament had to be elected and democratic institutions had to be put in place. Any ordinary mortal would break down under the pressure of such formidable tasks that needed to be addressed on top priority basis. Although simple at heart, Sheikh Mujib was a man of cool nerves and of great strength of mind. Under his charismatic leadership the country soon began moving on to the road to progress and the people found their long-cherished hopes and aspirations being gradually realized. Assassination: But at this critical juncture, his life was cut short by a group of anti-liberation reactionary forces who in a pre-dawn move on 15 August 1975 not only assassinated him but 23 of his family members and close associates. Even his 10 year old son Russel’s life was not spared by the assassins. The only survivors were his two daughters, Sheikh Hasina - now the country’s Prime Minister - and her younger sister Sheikh Rehana, who were then away on a visit to Germany. In killing the father of the Nation, the conspirators ended a most glorious chapter in the history of Bangladesh but they could not end the great leader’s finest legacy- the rejuvenated Bengali nation. In a fitting tribute to his revered memory, the present government has declared August 15 as the national mourning day. On this day every year the people would be paying homage to the memory of a man who became a legend in his won lifetime. Bangabandhu lives in the heart of his people. Bangladesh and Bangabandhu are one and inseparable. Bangladesh was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s vision and he fought and died for it. <http://www.bangabandhu.org> My practical experience, some of new leaders of BNP (retired amla) wants to be leader. They want to show something to Khaleda Zia in strike period. Want to be talk of the day as like Sadek Hossain Khoka. Khoka hold liquid tomato pack with him and blasted in due time while police caught him on the streets. Remember people? Shamsher Mobin Choudhury Beer Bikram Freedom fighter, I salute for his contribution, but I enjoyed his acting on strike period with police SI. He want to be arrested then news will be like this “Beer Bikram Shamsher Mobin Choudhury didn’t relief from the police tortured. Good attitude but no need to do this simple acting for growing the attraction of Khaleda. Next time he will be foreign Minister if BNP comes to the power.
Assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: Military Coup de'tat of 15 August 1975
15 August Coup Who was the mastermind behind the 75 coup? Col Faruk or Rahsid? Although Faruk was the commander of the coup his job was finished as soon as the mission was accomplished. The person that did the reorganization and coordination after the coup was Rashid. If the overall situation wasn’t tackled since 6 am the whole coup would have been a failure. The credit for planning and coordination of the coup goes to Rashid. Rashid not only selected the new president but he also brought him to Bangabhaban. 2. Although the military coup of 1975 was presented as an isolated incident “ desperately” carried out by only two rebel military units, in reality it was not such an isolated operation carried out by two military units. Faruq and Rashid said, once asked, how would we dare undertake such an impossible project if we weren’t backed by the “big brothers” . From their comment it becomes obvious that the duo was remote controlled by a few top military officers from behind the screen. The most obvious example of it was the inertia of the 46th brigade. About Zia’s involvement in 75 coup General Shafiullah, in his interview with a British magazine, Janamat, said ‘it wasn’t just an assumption, he knew everything. 3. It is quite surprising that in the event of the coup the presence of formidable 46 Brig in Dhaka cantonment was completely ignored and there was no anticipation of danger from them in Faruk/Rashid’s ‘attack plan’. Faruk’s only concern was to fight back the incompetent militia force the Rakkhi Bahini in case they make a move to save Mujiband it was a great mystery that the duo did not expect any threat from 46 Brigade. Once I asked Faruk about this mystery. “ Ask Rashid, said Faruk, “ because he somehow managed the 46 Brig. I asked Rashid directly. He smiled at me mischievously. ‘ Sir, you figure it out. He was our man”. His answer stunned me. Was this why Shafayat Zamil was reluctant to move his troops in that morning? Was this why Rashid first met Shafayat Zamil right after the assassination of Mujib. Shouldn’t Shafayat Zamil have arrested Rashid as soon as he uttered “we killed Mujib”. But instead of arresting Rashid Shafayat Zamil headed to deputy chief’s (General Ziaur Rahman) residence on foot. It is relevant to point out here that Rakkhi Bahini could not move because they were surrounded by the tank division. Three Military Coups and Some Untold Facts: Lt Col (retd) MA Hamid At 7:30 on 16 August the majors put Mostak on the presidential seat. Major Rashid picked Mostak up from his Agamosi lane residence and escorted him to the radio station. When Mostak enters the radio station he was accompanied by Mahbubul Alam Chashi and Taheruddin Thakur. Obviously Mostak was worried about the reaction of the senior officers from the cantonment, the officers involved in the coup being junior majors-it was not clear what the responses of the senior army officers would be. Besides only 600 troops from 2 regiments were involved in the coup. Mostak was almost shitting himself in assessing the situation. He was worried whether or not the senior officers would support the coup. So he asked Rashid to bring the divisional chiefs to the radio station. Rashid headed to the cantonment to bring the service chiefs. It is interesting to note that the first martial law in the history of Bangladesh was declared, in the morning of 15th August 1975, by a forced retiree army officer-Major Ashraful Huq Dalim. An indefinite dusk to dawn curfew was promulgated. Unlike the other Afro-Asian country, Bangladesh army as an institution did not conspire, although they are beneficiary to the coup d’etat, overthrow the elected government of 1975 but a small band of army officers in collaboration with a few powerful civilians well connected with the army did stage the first coup d’etat. The biggest irony in Mujib’s career lies in the fact that none of his key associates came out to counter or even protest against his assassination. The top Awami leaders joined Mostak’s cabinet treading on Mujib’s blood. Only Kader Siddki took arms in retaliation and had to take shelter in India chased out by the military under Zia; and Col Zamil, Mujib’s military secretary, gave his life in his futile attempt to protect Mujib. Mujib’s para militia force, Rakkhi Bahini, also failed miserably to save Mujib and counter the coup d’etat. The head of Rakkhi Bahini Tofael Ahmed phoned Moni but Sheikh Selim instead answered the phone saying that a band of black dungaree (uniform of the armed corps) clad troops have killed Mujib and his wife. Tofael then called Mujib and he said “my home is under attack. Do whatever you can”. Tofael then called Abdur Razzak, Rakkhi Bahini HQ and Major General Shafiullah. A little late a Rakkhi Bahini 4WD went to Tofael’s residence and took him to the Rakkhi Bahini HQ. A deadly silence enveloped the whole cantonment when Major Rashid and Dalim entered there. The impact of the coup d’etat stultified all. Ordinary troops were quiet. All found it difficult to believe Dalim’s radio announcement. Major Rashid encountered Brig Khaled Mosharraf at the HQ of 1st east Bengal Regiment. Colonel Shafayat Zamil, the commanding officer of 46 Infantry Brigade was also there. Rashid asked Brig Khaled Mosharraf to provide ammunitions for the tanks. Khaled gestured to oblige and promised Rashid to convince the military chief to take his side. The 2nd in command of Bangladesh Army Major General Ziaur Rahman attended his office at 7:15 with his usual demeanor. While the top military brushes were busy in the cantonment to get a cut out of the coup d’etat their colleagues have just staged, Mujib’s dead body was kept in a coffin in his garage under guard by the troops of artillery and armed corps. The following day, 16th August, at around 3p.m., Major Mohi Uddin and Lt Sekandar took Mujib’s dead body to his home town, Tungi Para. Initially Mujib’s dead body was kept in the local district office (Dak Bungalow) while Major Mohi Uddin kept insisting on a hurried funeral (in case he misses out of the cut). But the local Maulabhi did not give in to the pressure from the armed band. He told at the Major’s face that the dead body of a Muslim can not be buried without a proper bath. The Major gave him ten minutes time for the bath and later another ten minutes to complete. Mujib’s dead body was washed with a cheap 570 detergent bar (manufactured locally and sold through the subsidized state run chain shop (COSCOR) from the corner shop. A piece of sari, distributed under the post war relief program, obtained from a poor villager was used to wrap Mujib’s body. During the wash the Maulabhi noticed that a bullet entered Mujib’s body from the left side of his back turning the entrails out. The right side of the body had nine bullets; the main veins of both his legs were cut off and his iconic index finger, the emblem of Bangalee independence and anti Pakistani colonization, was shot off. Mujib’s face was intact. Only ten locals attended the funeral. The military left in the chopper as soon as Mujib’s body was buried. 60 police cordoned off Mujib’s grave for months. On 24 August 1975, the chiefs of army and navy, General Shafiullah and Air vice Marshal AK Khandakar were removed from their posts and offered jobs in foreign affairs department. Deputy Chief of army General Zia was appointed as the new chief of Army and Air vice Marshal MG Tawab as the chief of the Air Forces. Mahbubul Alam Chasi was appointed as the senior secretary of the president and Lt Col Amin Ahmed Chowdhury the military secretary. ABS Safdar was promoted to the director general of National Security Intelligence (NSI). Shafiul Azam, the secretary of the civil affairs dept of Pakistan and a peer of Rao Farman Ali, the operational head of ISI and the founder of the collaborators’ force and the mastermind behind the killing of the pro-liberation intelligentsia and the genocide, was appointed as the cabinet secretary. Kazi Anwarul Huq the top man of the Pak dictators from Ayub to Yahyah was appointed the adviser to the president. General Osmani took the office of the defense adviser to the president. Maolana Bhasani who supported the BKSAL movement (2nd revolution) of Mujib, congratulated Mostak for deposing the Mujib government. From Jeddah Gholam Azam, excited by the news of the murder of his arch rival Mujib who also revoked his citizenship for his involvement in the genocide, called upon the heads of the Islamic states in the Middle East to recognize Bangladesh under the rules of the counter revolutionaries. Khaza Khairuddin Mahmud gave a statement congratulating the coup de’tat and Hamidul Huq Chowdhury wrote a letter to Mostak congratulating the murder of Mujib. Bhutto (the ultimate winner in the 1971 war which helped him to get rid of Yahyah and the politically challenging people of the eastern wing (Bangladesh) making him the prime minister of Pakistan) having an orgasmic feat due to the killing of Mujib (his political rival of 1970 and the war ensued only because he refused to give Mujib the chair of the prime minister because he won the election) sent to Mostak a huge official gift comprising 50,000 tonnes of rice, 100,000,00 miters of clothes and 50,000,000 miters of fine fabrics. On 16August 1975, Saudi Arab and on 31 August China officially recognized Bangladesh as an independent state. Tajuddin Ahmed, the first prime minister and the leader of the independence war in absence of Mujib, was arrested by the coup leaders from his own residence although he was not holding any office in the government. Syed Nazrul Islam, the first president of Bangladesh, was arrested from his government quarter. Prime Minister Mansur Ali went underground. But his sons convinced by the foxy duo Obaidur Rahman and Shah Moazzem (both held high offices under military dictator Zia and Ershad) that nothing would happen to him if he comes out, re-established the contact with him. Mostak asked Mansur Ali, back to his residence, to be the Prime Minister in his government which Mansur Ali bluntly refused. Angry Mostak (or Faruk Rashid or may be even Zia from behind the screen) arrested Mansur Ali and sent him to the prison on 17 August 1975. On 3 October 1975, the four key leaders of the liberation war, Tajuddin Ahmed, Syed Nazrul Islam, Kamaruz Zaman and Mansur Ali were brutally murdered in their prison cells by the troops led by Rashid and on express order from Mostak, the president.
"LIVE STYLE OF MY FATHER" By Sheikh Hasina http://bangabandhu.webs.com http://skmujiburrahman.blogspot.com http://jathirpitha.wordpress.com http://thefounderofbangladesh.wordpress.com http://bangabandhuporisad.webs.com http://www.bangbandhu.net http://www.bangabandhu.org www.albd.org BANGABANDHU SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN DEDICATED his life to establishing a democratic, peaceful and exploitation-free society called "Sonar Bangla" - Golden Bengal. He sacrificed his life to liberate the Bangalee nation, which had been groaning under the colonial and imperialist yoke for nearly 1,000 years. He is the founding father of the Bangalee nation, generator of Bangalee nationalism and creator of the sovereign state of Bangladesh. My father spent nearly half his life behind bars and yet with extraordinary courage and conviction he withstood numerous trials and tribulations during the long period of his political struggle. During his imprisonment, he stood face to face with death on at least two occasions, but never for a moment did he waver. As a daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, I heard many tales about him from my grandfather and grandmother. He was born on Mar. 17, 1920 in Tungipara, in what was then the British Raj. During the naming ceremony my great-grandfather predicted that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman would be a world-famous name. My father grew up rural - amid rivers, trees, birdsong. He flourished in the free atmosphere inspired by his grandparents. He swam in the river, played in the fields, bathed in the rains, caught fish and watched out for birds' nests. He was lanky, yet played football. He liked to eat plain rice, fish, vegetables, milk, bananas and sweets. His care and concern for classmates, friends and others was well-known. He gave away his tiffin to the hungry, clothes to the naked, books to the needy and other personal belongings to the poor. One day, my grandfather told me, he gave his clothes to a poor boy and came home in his shawl. At the age of 7, he began his schooling, though an eye ailment forced a four-year break from his studies. He married at the age of 11 when my mother was 3. He demonstrated leadership from the beginning. Once in 1939, he led classmates to demand repair of the school's roof - just when the premier of then undivided Bengal happened to be in town. Despite a deep involvement in politics, in 1946 he obtained a BA. Bangabandhu was blessed from boyhood with leadership, indomitable courage and great political acumen. He played an active role in controlling communal riots during the India-Pakistan partition. He risked his life for the cause of truth and justice. He rose in protest in 1948 against the declaration of Urdu as the state language of Pakistan and was arrested the following year. He pioneered the movement to establish Bangla as the state language. In 1966, he launched a six-point program for the emancipation of Bangalees. In 1969, my father was acclaimed Bangabandhu, Friend of Bengal. His greatest strength (and weakness) was his "love for the people." He is an essential part of the emotional existence of all Bangalees. The appearance of Bangladesh on the world map in 1971 was the culmination of a long-suppressed national urge. On Mar. 7, 1971, my father addressed a mammoth public meeting in Dhaka and declared: "The struggle now is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle now is the struggle for Independence." He sent a wireless message, moments after a crackdown by the Pakistani army, declaring the Independence of Bangladesh in the early hours of Mar. 26. The world knows he courted arrest - and yet Bangabandhu emerged as the unquestioned leader of a newborn country. Once in power, my father pursued a non-aligned, independent foreign policy based on peaceful coexistence. Its basic tenet: "Friendship to all, malice to none." He advocated world peace and declared his support for all freedom struggles. He supported the concept of a "Zone of Peace" in the Indian Ocean. In 1974, he was awarded the Julio Curie Prize for his devotion to the cause of peace. But at a time when Bangladesh was emerging as an advocate for oppressed nations, his foes assassinated him on Aug. 15, 1975. My mother and three brothers were also killed. Even my younger brother Sheikh Russel, who was then nine, was not spared. The only survivors were my younger sister Sheikh Rehana and myself; we were on a trip to Germany. Consequently, the political ideals for which Bangladesh sacrificed three million of her finest sons and daughters were trampled, and Bangladesh became a puppet in the hands of imperialism and autocracy. By assassinating Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the conspirators wanted to stop the country's march to freedom, democracy, peace and development. The process of law and justice were not permitted to take their course; human rights were violated. It is, therefore, the solemn responsibility of freedom- and peace-loving people to help ensure the trial of the plotters and killers of this great leader, my father. Sheikh Hasina, daughter of the late Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, is the prime minister of Bangladesh.